Funding the lobby of global warming
By James M. Sheehan
Copyright 1998 Washington Times
November 9, 1998
Of all the shocking budget deal capitulations the Republican Congress made to
the White House, none is more inexplicable than the decision to provide almost
$200 million in taxpayer funds to the World Bank's Global Environment Facility
(GEF), an aid program tied to the
global warming treaty.
Currently,
Clinton-Gore administration negotiators are in Buenos Aires, Argentina, for
another United Nations summit on
global warming. Thanks to Congress' miscue, they now have considerable financial backing to
bolster last year's Kyoto Protocol on
climate change.
The GEF, which finances both the
global
warming treaty and the biodiversity treaty, is a prime example of a big government
boondoggle. To date, this green slush fund has spent roughly $700 million.
Almost half, $312 million, was channeled to projects in which Green pressure
groups are listed as the
"executing agencies" or
"collaborating organizations" (see
chart). Lobbyists for the
global warming treaty, like the World Wildlife Fund, International Union for the Conservation
of Nature (IUCN) and even the extremist Greenpeace, have been the beneficiaries
of this greenhouse pork. They have used this money to restrict economic growth
and land use in Third World countries.
An incestuous relationship has developed between government agencies and the
private, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) they pay to lobby Congress for
increased funding. After winning $193 million for the GEF from Congress, Bill
Powers of the IUCN wrote to fellow activists:
"Both State [Department] and GEF
CEO Mohamed El-Ashry have expressed their appreciation to the NGO community for
its work on this. Congratulations to all those who have put in the hours
lobbying for the GEF over the past months. . . . It seems to have weighed in
in the endgame."
Why these agenda-driven organizations have been receiving government funding
is
a mystery. For starters, neither the Kyoto Protocol nor the Biodiversity
Convention have been ratified by the Senate. The first
global-warming treaty, signed by President Bush in 1992, contained no binding commitments
that would require substantial funding of an international agency. The only
purpose seems to be the
enrichment of the
"non-governmental" Green lobby, which in turn works on the international level to expand
regulatory controls and increase spending on environmental pork. Giving any
public money to the green fund risks implementation of a treaty without
ratification, an affront to the Constitution.
Aware of these
risks, both the Senate and the House voted to shave millions from the Clinton
administration s $300 million GEF budget request. Rather than uphold the
decisions of the people's representatives, however, Senate Majority Leader
Trent Lott and House Speaker Newt Gingrich caved in to Clinton administration
demands for
a quadrupling of GEF funding. The new money makes up for several years worth
of Clinton administration funding requests that Congress had refused in
previous years.
"And this is to advance a treaty," complains Sen. Chuck Hagel, Nebraska Republican,
"that the administration does not have the guts to send to the Senate to
debate. They don't have the guts to do it because they know it would be
defeated."
The congressional leadership's loss of nerve gives climate treaty proponents
tremendous momentum. The GEF funding provides the Clinton administration with
plenty of financial ammunition to close symbolically important deals with key
developing countries. For several months, the
Clinton administration has been offering Argentina foreign aid in exchange for
negotiating concessions on the Kyoto treaty, according to Argentine officials.
Now the State Department has 4 times the amount of bribe money at its disposal.
If even a token, unenforceable agreement is reached at the U.N.
global-warming summit, the Clinton administration will have a powerful rhetorical weapon with
which to bludgeon Kyoto opponents in the Senate.
Congress has one last chance to limit the damage from the
global-warming slush fund fiasco. It can insist on enforcement of a legal requirement in the
1999 budget authored by Rep. Joe Knollenberg, Michigan Republican, which
forbids the White House from using any taxpayer dollars for the purpose of
lobbying on behalf of the Kyoto Protocol or for implementation of that treaty.
All necessary steps should be taken to prevent taxpayers from being forced to
subsidize the
agenda of international Green pressure groups.
James M. Sheehan, director of international environmental policy at the
Competitive Enterprise Institute, is the author of
"Global Greens: Inside the International Environmental Establishment" (Capital Research Center, 1998).
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